Voices from the Margins: The Struggle of Al-Kanabi Communities in Sudan.

Executive Summary

The Sudanese Alliance for Rights has conducted extensive and objective research, engaging with eyewitnesses and examining a range of reported and documented atrocities committed against the Al-Kanabi communities in Sudan. This report, titled Voices from the Margins: The Struggle of Al-Kanabi Communities in Sudan, focuses on the period from October  2024, until the army and its allies entered Al Jazira on January  2025.

During this period, the Al-Kanabi communities were subjected to numerous grave violations, including physical liquidations, executions, forced displacement, and the looting of cattle and properties. These atrocities serve as a chilling reminder of the systematic violence inflicted upon vulnerable communities, leading to widespread destruction, loss of life, and displacement. This report aims to shed light on the human cost of these violations, amplifying the voices of those marginalised in this ongoing crisis.

Introduction:

Al-Kanabi, or Kambo in plural, are informal settlements traditionally inhabited by agricultural workers in Sudan, constructed with basic materials such as mud and straw. These communities are often situated on the outskirts of farming villages, near major irrigation projects and drainage systems. Despite their vital role in Sudan’s agricultural industry, Al-Kanabi communities face extreme violence and marginalization due to their lack of official recognition and legal rights. Seen as outsiders by the natives of the areas they settle in, they are vulnerable to abuse, with their persecution often intertwined with broader political, ethnic, and economic issues. As scapegoats in national and regional conflicts, they bear the brunt of violence and systemic injustice.

Al-Kanabi communities were established during Sudan’s colonial period as part of the Al Jazirah Scheme in 1925, which aimed to develop the region’s agriculture. However, these communities were often overlooked and marginalized. Despite their contributions to agricultural production, they have been excluded from full citizenship and the rights that come with it, lacking legal recognition and sufficient resources to improve their living conditions.

The inhabitants of Al-Kanabi belong to a wide range of ethnic groups from Sudan’s western regions, primarily Darfur and Kordofan as well as from neighboring countries that have historically migrated into Sudan over the centuries. Over time, these groups have become an integral part of Sudan’s population, contributing to the country’s agricultural and cultural landscape. However, these groups continue to face exclusion and marginalization, with many still living in extreme poverty and lacking basic citizenship rights. While there are no accurate population estimates, the number of Al-Kanabi inhabitants is significant, especially in Al Jazirah State. Their tribal affiliations are diverse, including groups like the Bargo, Tama, Hausa, Aringa, Mararit, Fur, Zaghawa, Masalit, Daju, Messiria, Awlad Rashid, Rizeigat, Nuba people, and groups now part of South Sudan, along with other smaller tribes. While these communities play an essential role in Sudan’s agriculture, they remain disenfranchised and often denied basic services, such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure. Their legal status is precarious, leaving them exposed to exploitation and human rights violations.

The situation worsened when the Sudanese army and its allies took control of Al Jazirah State. Al-Kanabi communities in the surrounding areas were disproportionately affected, targeted for their vulnerability. These communities endured massacres, forced displacements, and widespread human rights abuses, highlighting the deep-rooted challenges they face in Sudan.

Issues Faced by Al-Kanabi Inhabitants: A History of Marginalization and Exploitation

The Al-Kanabi inhabitants have long faced systemic disenfranchisement and exploitation, a legacy rooted in historical decisions that marginalized their communities. Following the inauguration of the Sinnar Dam in 1925 and the rapid expansion of the Gezira Scheme, the lives of the Al-Kanabi people began to change. However, the global depression of 1929 and subsequent shifts in agricultural practices led to economic instability and deepened inequality. Despite a brief period of land ownership and improved rights for some agricultural workers between 1931 and 1944, these advancements were abruptly reversed by discriminatory policies introduced in 1945 under the first Sudanese Director, Mr. Mekki Abbas. His decisions, including the confiscation of land and the exclusion of Al-Kanabi workers from salaried positions in state institutions, set the stage for decades of marginalization and exploitation. This historical context has created a cycle of inherited injustices, leaving the Al-Kanabi communities vulnerable and deprived of their fundamental rights. The following issues reflect the ongoing challenges faced by the Al-Kanabi people, exacerbating their poverty and limiting their access to resources and opportunities.

1. Racial Discrimination Policies and Laws Since 1945
   Beginning in the mid-20th century, Sudan implemented a series of policies aimed at excluding Al-Kanabi communities from equal participation in society. In 1945, changes in Sudanese agricultural policies specifically targeted agricultural workers, which had devastating consequences for Al-Kanabi inhabitants. These policies removed the right of agricultural workers to inherit land or pass down their assets to their families, reducing them to a marginalized, expendable labor force. As a result, many Al-Kanabi families were denied the ability to build generational wealth or improve their socio-economic status, further entrenching their marginalization.
2. Equal Citizenship Rights

The manipulation of citizenship rights became evident with the 1948 Definition of Sudanese Ordinance and the subsequent Sudanese Nationality Acts, which institutionalized racial discrimination against Al-Kanabi communities. These communities have long faced legal discrimination, particularly in relation to nationality and identification. Many Al-Kanabi inhabitants were either denied citizenship or faced significant barriers in acquiring essential legal documentation, such as national identity cards or birth certificates. This lack of official recognition reinforced their second-class status, severely limiting their access to vital services such as education, healthcare, and social welfare. The Sudanese Nationality Act, by making it difficult for Al-Kanabi people to establish a legal identity, entrenched a cycle of exclusion and dependency that continues to affect these communities today.

• Development Deprivation Policies

Despite their critical role in Sudan’s agricultural economy, the Al-Kanabi communities have been systematically excluded from the benefits of state development initiatives. Policies have been enacted to deprive them of access to essential services such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure, despite their significant contribution to agricultural production. Government-led projects, including school construction and public health services, have largely bypassed these communities, who are often regarded as outsiders or lower-class citizens. This lack of investment has perpetuated cycles of poverty, leaving Al-Kanabi inhabitants with limited opportunities for upward mobility or improved living conditions. For instance, they were excluded from social services provided by the Gezira Scheme, including literacy programs, school construction, and the establishment of health centers. Furthermore, Al-Kanabi citizens are unable to access loans from agricultural banks, despite their pivotal role in the agricultural sector.

4. Housing and Services
   The housing conditions in Al-Kanabi communities are generally substandard, with many homes constructed from basic materials such as mud and straw. The lack of infrastructure in these settlements means that residents often lack access to clean drinking water, sanitation, and electricity. These poor living conditions are a direct result of the historical neglect and discrimination these communities have faced. This isolation from the larger Sudanese society further deepens their vulnerability, as they lack the social and economic networks that could help improve their situation. With lack of schools in their communities their children are forced to attend schools in nearby villages.
5. Labour and Production Relations
   The labour systems in Al-Kanabi communities are exploitative, trapping workers in cycles of poverty. Many engage in sharecropping, rent land, or work as low-paid wage labourers without legal ownership rights. This dependency on landowners keeps them economically powerless and socially immobile, limiting their ability to improve their living conditions or break free from exploitation. Despite their significant contributions to Sudan’s economy, Al-Kanabi agricultural workers are denied fair compensation and opportunities for advancement.
6. Sharecropping System: Agricultural workers handle all farming tasks—planting, weeding, and harvesting—then divide the harvest equally with the landowner. For instance, if a farm produces 20 sacks of corn, each party receives 10 sacks, with land preparation costs and taxes shared.
7. Rental System: Workers rent land for one agricultural season, retaining full rights to the produce but bearing tax obligations.
8. Wage Labour System: Agricultural workers are employed on a daily, monthly, or piecework basis to cultivate food crops, vegetables, and cash crops like cotton and wheat, as well as in sugarcane plantations.

These labour arrangements reinforce economic marginalisation, as Al-Kanabi workers invest significant effort without receiving compensation proportional to their labour.

In sum, these policies have prevented Al-Kanabi communities from achieving equality and securing their rights as full citizens, condemning them to a life of poverty, deprivation, and vulnerability. These challenges not only hinder their ability to thrive but also perpetuate the cycles of marginalization and disenfranchisement that continue to define their experience in Sudan today.

1. Violations Against Al-Kanabi Communities: A Legacy of Injustice

Over the years, the Al-Kanabi people have endured a history marked by systematic violence, discrimination, and exclusion. The violations against them have ranged from physical violence, such as killings and torture, to forced displacement and the destruction of property. These acts of brutality are not isolated incidents but a persistent pattern that has continued for decades, deeply affecting the Al-Kanabi communities’ well-being and livelihood.

 The Al-Kanabi people have endured numerous human rights violations throughout their history. Below are some of the reported violations in Al-Kanabi communities over the years:

• Kambo Babanusa (1995): Quran students were burned alive in Kambo Babanusa, near the village of Sharif Mukhtar in eastern Gezira.
• Kambo Wadi Shaeer (1999): Several citizens were killed, and the Kambo was set on fire, forcing the survivors to relocate to other areas within Al-Hasaheisa locality.
• Kambo Mohamed Zain (2014): Basic services were cut off from the village of Mohamed Zain, a citizen was killed, and students were prevented from continuing their education in the southern Gezira locality.
• Kambo Aftas (2018): The Kambo Aftas in Al-Hasaheisa locality was attacked; many homes were burned, and citizens were subjected to torture.
• Kambo Elmielg (2020): Multiple houses in Kambo Elmielg, located in Al Kamlin locality, were burned to the ground.

These examples illustrate the historical violations faced by the Al-Kanabi people, demonstrating that the reports on the recent wave of violence that has been witnessed is merely an extension of a long history of abuse.

Violations After the Sudanese Army’s Entry into Al-Jazirah State

The Al-Kanabi communities have endured decades of violence, forced displacement, and legal discrimination. From the massacres of the 1990s to the more recent attacks by the Sudanese army and allied militias, they have been systematically targeted due to their marginalized status. Their ongoing suffering underscores the institutionalized violence in Sudan, which has persistently denied them basic rights, safety, and dignity.

The situation worsened significantly when the Sudanese army and its allied forces took control of Al-Jazirah State, leading to an escalation of violence. Armed groups specifically targeted civilians, particularly those from marginalized ethnic and tribal backgrounds, deepening the crisis and exacerbating their long-standing oppression.

• Umm Al-Qura Locality

After the army’s occupation, areas like Umm Al-Qura saw brutal attacks, including mass arrests, executions, and the burning of homes. On December 7, 2024, the Sudanese Shield Forces arrested 93 citizens from Kambo Al-Tadamun in Umm Al-Qura, east of Al Jazira state. Twenty-three innocent citizens were executed, and their bodies were thrown into the farms. The victims included: Jum’a Adam, Gamar Haroun, Hani Mohamed, Wad Shaweesh, Ibrahim Adam, Mohamed Adam, Yassin Gamar, Khamis Khatir, Abdo Bawzi, Abdul-Majeed Hassan, Bakri Jidu, Yahya Hussein, Ahmed Dannan, Sheikh Bahar, Mahmoud Abdul-Rahman, Ayoub Abdul-Rahman, Yassin Babiker, Mohamed Muhajir, Sabri, Al-Nil Saleh, Hantoush, and two sons of Abdul-Wahab. These violent tactics were used to strike fear into the hearts of the community and suppress any resistance.

On January 9, 2025, the Sudanese Shield Forces carried out a massacre against the citizens of Kambo (5), known as Kambo Taiba, in Umm Al-Qura locality, east of Al Jazira state. Two children, Ahmed Iyssa and Hamed Mohamed, were burned alive in their home. Eight other citizens were assassinated, including Abdul-Aziz Abdul-Karim, Khatir Ibrahim, Ahmed Ishaq Keita, Saleh Hammad, and the Sheikh of Al-Khawla Quranic school, Ali Mohamed. Additionally, 13 women were kidnapped, along with Ibrahim Abbakar.

On January 9, 2025, the Sudanese Shield Forces carried out a massacre against the citizens of Kambo (5), also known as Kambo Taiba, in Umm Al-Qura locality, east of Al Jazira state. Two children, Ahmed Iyssa and Hamed Mohamed, were burned alive in their home. Eight other citizens were assassinated, including Abdul-Aziz Abdul-Karim, Khatir Ibrahim, Ahmed Ishaq Keita, Saleh Hammad, and Ali Mohamed, the Sheikh of Al-Khawla Quranic school. Additionally, 13 women were kidnapped, along with Ibrahim Abbakar.

 On January 12, 2025, part of Kambo Dar Al-Salam in Umm Al-Qura, near village (31), was burned.

Kambo (16) and Kambo Mabrouka, located in Umm Al-Qura locality, were both burned.

• Greater Wad Madani Locality

In Greater Wad Madani locality and Wad Madani city, the Sudanese army and its allies committed massacres and war crimes, which they filmed, including throwing a young man from the top of Hantoub Bridge, physical executions, liquidation of civilians, arrests, and abductions. Communication with sources inside the city has been difficult, preventing the provision of detailed information, but the overall situation in Wad Madani is as follows:

1. Refugees from South Sudan: They were heavily targeted in several areas and neighborhoods, including Kambo Al-Jir near the University of Jazira Campus, Al-Andalus, Al-Dibagha, Al-Ismailiya, Al-Thawra Mobi, and Hilat Mahgoub.
2. Citizens of Western Sudan Origin: These individuals were also targeted in the aforementioned neighborhoods because they live alongside South Sudanese citizens in the same areas, as well as some members of Al-Kanabi communities along the Wad Madani-Khartoum Road, including Kambo Halima and Kambo Shattat.
3. Other Citizens in the City: These individuals were targeted based on unproven accusations without any legal procedure, with the claim that they were collaborators with the Rapid Support Forces.

The situation in Wad Madani requires further investigation to uncover the full scale of the crimes committed against unarmed civilians.

• South Al Jazira Locality:

After the Sudanese army’s takeover of Wad Madani, and in addition to the documented violations against unarmed civilians committed by the Sudanese army and its allies, including the extremist Islamic Al-Baraa Bin Malik militias, the Special Operations Forces, Sudanese Shield Forces, and tribal armed groups in Al-Managil, Al-Hosh, and the Mobilization Units, systematic crimes and violations have occurred. These violations, often based on ethnic and racial targeting, primarily focused on the Bargo and Tama groups, as well as citizens from Western Sudan and South Sudan.

The crimes included physical liquidation, killings, burning of civilians, property, and homes, slaughtering citizens, displacement, arrests, torture, and looting. The ethnic targeting began after the army’s control over Al Dinder and Sinnar cities, including the sugar factory in Sinnar, and later spread to southern Al Jazirah areas, including Al-Hosh and Haj Abdalla administrative units.

1. Kambo Al-Shukkaba Al-Jak: On January 9, 2025, the Kambo was burned, and its citizens were attacked and displaced.
2. Kambo Gumbo: On January 10, 2025, Kambo Gumbo in the Mahala area was displaced, with all its citizens held in the city of Al-Madina Arab. Young people from the Kambo were arrested and tortured, some property was looted, and stolen goods were transported by convoy trucks to Al-Managil.
3. Kambo (10): On January 10, 2025, Kambo (10) in Al-Hosh administrative locality was displaced, and Al-Naseem village was attacked. Cattle and crops were looted by the army and the mobilized individuals of Sharif Mukhtar.
4. Bolin Village: Located approximately 2 kilometers west of Haj Abdalla city, inhabited by the Bargo tribe, 45 heads of cattle were looted.
5. Wad Mahil Village: Located west of Haj Abdalla, inhabited by the Bargo tribe and a few members of the Kawahla tribe, 100 heads of cattle were looted.
6. Hillat Dawoud Village: Located about 4 kilometers northwest of Haj Abdalla, predominantly inhabited by the Bargo tribe, with some members of the Mararit tribe, 80 heads of cattle were stolen.
7. Nimra Khamsa Village: Located approximately 6 kilometers northwest of Haj Abdalla city, near the 57th Bridge where the army and mobilized forces are stationed, 60 heads of goats, cattle, and sheep were looted.
8. Hillat Bashar Village: Located 7 kilometers west of the Dam in Haj Abdalla, and only one kilometer from Bridge (57) where army forces are stationed, inhabited by the Bargo, Barno, and Hausa tribes, 45 heads of cattle were looted.
9. Naseem Village: Located 2 kilometers east of Al-Hosh city, primarily inhabited by the Bargo, Tunjur, and Masalit tribes, 60 heads of cattle were looted.
10. Kambo (10): Located about half a kilometer east of Al-Hosh, a large number of cattle were looted, though the exact number could not be confirmed.
11. Kambo Tawila: Located east of Al-Hosh, inhabited by the Tama tribe, all the livestock in the Kambo was stolen.
12. Kambo Moheddine: Predominantly inhabited by the Tama tribe, all the livestock was looted.
13. Kambo Al-Aqida: Located 4 kilometers west of Al-Hosh, inhabited by the Tama tribe, all the livestock and property were looted.
14. Kambo Al-Rouf: Located northwest of Al-Hosh, inhabited by the Tama tribe, a number of livestock was looted.
15. Kambo Abu Gimri: Located 5 kilometers west of Al-Hosh, livestock was looted.
16. Nimat Allah Village: Located 10 kilometers from Al-Hosh, predominantly inhabited by the Bargo tribe, the citizens were beaten, their cattle were stolen, and young men were arrested and mistreated. Among the violations committed in this village, a video featuring a woman named Mariam, who was assaulted, beaten, threatened, and arrested by army soldiers, circulated on social media.

In South Al Jazira, the looting of livestock and property was accompanied by large-scale arrests of young men and women, along with racist insults and abuse. The prisons in Al-Managil city are now filled with innocent citizens of Al-Kanabi.

• Al-Hasaheisa Locality:

Al-Hasaheisa has also witnessed unimaginable atrocities since the escalation of violence by the Sudanese army and its allies. This locality, home to diverse ethnic groups, has become a scene of extreme violence and widespread destruction, marked by systematic attacks, killings, displacement, and looting.

On January 1, 2025, Kambo Al-Ajab in Abu Quta city was attacked by the mobilized militias of the army, resulting in the deaths of two citizens (Asia Ishaq Omar, Abkar Ishaq Matar), and one injured (Abdul Karim Yahya).

In another attack on the same day, January 1, 2025, the Sudanese army mobilizers attacked the citizens of Kambo Laffa in Abu Quta, forcibly displacing them to Al-Regil village, and looting their property, including cows and other livestock.

On January 21, 2025, in front of a crowd of citizens and Sudanese army commanders gathered at the site of the crime, an eyewitness recounted the horrific actions carried out by the Sudanese army, the mobilizers, and the Sudanese Shield Forces. The eyewitness shared the following:

“Twenty-six people were killed by armed men in this Kambo. We buried them in mass graves over the course of two days, with three to six bodies in each grave. It was a challenging task for me, as most of the men and young people had fled the area. I had to bury one of the bodies with only the help of the deceased’s wife. The armed men were killing any young or adult man they came across, which is why the people fled. The armored vehicles were firing at civilians in the Kambo. At one point, a gunman pointed his weapon at me and threatened to kill me. I begged him not to, explaining that I had a body to bury. When I showed him the dead body, he asked who had killed him, and I told him it was the army. He then left me and moved on.

We are grateful to the brigadier and his forces who arrived six days ago, as we were unable to move before then. However, we feel deeply insulted, and we cannot believe that anyone in the world would do what these people did. You came to us, and we want to make it clear: we are not affiliated with the Rapid Support Forces, despite the rumors. We have suffered tremendous losses in both lives and property, which we summarize as follows:

• 26 people killed and burned in the Kambo.
• 54 homes burned.
• 74 Karros (animal-pulled carts) and donkeys looted.
• 18 people detained.
• 2,400 heads of cattle, including sheep, goats, and donkeys, looted.
• Our money was looted and stored in the areas around us.”

This testimony sheds light on the scale of the devastation faced by the people of the Kambo, emphasizing the ongoing atrocities inflicted upon innocent civilians by the Sudanese army and its affiliated forces.

Reports received by Sudanese Alliance for Rights reveal that the killings and executions, burning of houses and farms, and forced disappearances of the people of Al-Kanabi in Al-Jazirah State, Central Sudan, were carried out on an ethnic basis by tribal militias affiliated with the Sudanese Army Forces. These militias, formed on racial grounds, include groups such as Al-Butana Shield Forces and Al-Zubair bin Al-Awam Brigade. The de facto government in Port Sudan has remained silent and complicit in these crimes. Additionally, hate speech against the people of Al-Kanabi has been incited and implemented across Al-Jazirah State by community leaders, high-ranking officials, and military personnel, further endangering these communities and justifying the violence against them.

Sennar Locality

In the Sennar State and southern areas of Al Jazira state atrocities were perpetrated by the Sudanese army, the Operations Authority of the General Intelligence Service, Islamic militias, and tribal militias, with racial and color-based motives driving the violence. The violations included killings, field executions, the burning of homes and farms, looting of property and livestock, slaughtering of citizens, flooding and destroying farms, forced displacement, torture, and burning of children. In some areas, citizens were even drowned in the Nile, while others were subjected to arbitrary arrests and detentions. These atrocities were carried out across most of the following localities of;

1. Al Kamlin locality:
   Elmielq, Alseriha, Al-Maseed, and Al-Sina’at
2. Al-Hasaheisa locality:
   Al-Hasaheisa city, Abu Ushar, Wad Habouba, Al-Muslamia, Abu Quta, Tabat Al-Rub’, and Al-Meheriba
3. Southern Jazira locality:
   El Hosh, Al-Madina Arab, Wad Ra`iyya, Al-Haj Abdullah, and Barakat
4. Al Managil locality:
   Al Managil, Kremet, Alhuda, and Al-Jamousi
5. Al Qurashi locality:
   Matouq, Al-Fazazi, and Al-Matouri

Violations of International Law and Human Rights: The Case of the Al-Kanabi People

The atrocities committed against the Al-Kanabi people represent grave violations of international law and human rights, with far-reaching implications for humanitarian standards. These acts of violence breach several key international and regional legal frameworks designed to protect vulnerable populations. The following highlights how these crimes violate the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Geneva Conventions, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

The crimes committed against the Al-Kanabi people constitute serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. These acts violate multiple legal frameworks, including:

1. Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR): The UDHR, adopted by the United Nations in 1948, establishes a common standard for the protection of human rights globally. It outlines fundamental rights, including the right to life, liberty, and security, and prohibits cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. The mass killings and arbitrary detentions of the Al-Kanabi people violate these core protections. Additionally, the inhumane treatment, torture, and ethnic-based persecution contravene Article 5, which prohibits cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.
2. Geneva Conventions: The Geneva Conventions are a series of treaties designed to protect individuals who are not participating in armed conflicts, such as civilians and prisoners of war. They mandate the humane treatment of all persons during times of conflict and prohibit attacks on non-combatants. The deliberate targeting of civilians, destruction of homes, and mass executions by the perpetrators breach the Geneva Conventions, which require the protection of non-combatants and civilian populations. The destruction of livelihoods, such as burning farms and drowning civilians, further violates international humanitarian law.
3. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide: Adopted by the United Nations in 1948, this convention defines genocide as acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group. The systematic targeting of the Al-Kanabi people based on their ethnic identity, particularly through mass killings, forced displacements, and torture, aligns with the legal definition of genocide. These acts constitute a clear breach of this convention, as they demonstrate the intent to destroy an ethnic group.
4. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR): The ICCPR, adopted by the United Nations in 1966, ensures civil and political rights, including the right to life, freedom from torture, and the right to a fair trial. It safeguards individuals’ rights to personal freedom and security. The enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and arbitrary arrests of Al-Kanabi individuals violate the ICCPR, specifically Articles 6 (right to life) and 7 (prohibition of torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment). These actions, along with the suppression of the community, undermine principles of justice and due process.
5. African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights: The African Charter, adopted in 1981, is a regional human rights instrument that guarantees the protection of human rights across the African continent. It upholds the right to dignity, life, and freedom from discrimination. The violations against the Al-Kanabi people breach several provisions of the Charter, including the right to life, liberty, and protection from discrimination. The Sudanese government’s failure to prevent and address these abuses constitutes a breach of its obligations under regional human rights law.

Conclusion:

The targeting of Al-Kanabi communities in Sudan represents more than just the latest chapter in a history of violence; it is emblematic of the broader systemic marginalization and abuse faced by these communities for decades. Historically, Al-Kanabi, as informal agricultural settlements, have been neglected by the state, excluded from citizenship, and deprived of basic human rights. This exclusion has resulted in their vulnerability to exploitation, abuse, and violence, making them easy targets for armed groups, including the Sudanese army and allied militias.

The violations committed by the Sudanese army and its allies are not isolated incidents but part of a larger pattern of repression and human rights violations. The armed forces’ attacks on Al-Kanabi communities, particularly following their control of Wad Madani city, have been marked by brutality, including massacres, forced displacements, and mass arrests. This violence is not only physical but also symbolic, perpetuating the long-standing political, ethnic, and social divisions that continue to plague Sudan. The systematic nature of these attacks points to the institutionalized violence that has been normalized over time, further exacerbating the deep-rooted inequalities in Sudanese society.

The denial of citizenship, legal identity, and basic services like healthcare, education, and housing is a significant contributor to the Al-Kanabi’s marginalization. By stripping them of these fundamental rights, Sudan has subjected its citizens to a lifetime of vulnerability and injustice. The lack of legal protections and recognition leaves them exposed to violence, and their inability to access justice or seek redress deepens the cycle of oppression. The attacks on their homes, the abductions of women and children, and the forced displacements are a direct consequence of this institutionalized discrimination and exclusion.

This report underscores the urgent need for accountability at both the national and international levels. The lack of justice for these communities has allowed the cycle of violence to continue unabated. There is a pressing need for international intervention to hold the perpetrators accountable for their actions, as well as for the implementation of policies that ensure the protection and recognition of marginalized communities in Sudan. Human rights organizations, international bodies, and governments must come together to address the atrocities committed and work toward the restoration of dignity and rights for the Al-Kanabi communities.

Moreover, it is vital that the international community, alongside Sudanese civil society, advocate for the dismantling of discriminatory laws and practices that perpetuate such violence. The systematic denial of basic rights must be challenged and rectified to ensure that communities like the Al-Kanabi can live with dignity, free from the threat of violence and abuse. Only through sustained efforts at accountability, systemic reform, and international solidarity can the Al-Kanabi and other marginalized groups in Sudan begin to rebuild their lives and secure their rightful place in society.